FGV

Os ministros do Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) decidiram na tarde desta quarta-feira, [18/09], por um placar de seis votos a favor e cinco contra, que os embargos infringentes devem ser aceitos pela Corte no processo do mensalão. O resultado permitirá a realização de um novo julgamento para 12 dos 25 condenados no processo. O voto decisivo foi proferido pelo decano da Corte, Celso de Mello

O gráfico abaixo apresenta a receita semestral (em milhões de reais) de uma empresa em função do tempo em que I/2012 representa o 1º semestre de 2012, II/2012 representa o 2º semestre de 2012 e assim por diante.

Estima-se que

• a variação porcentual da receita de I/2014 em relação à de I/2013 seja igual à variação porcentual da receita de I/2013 em relação à de I/2012;
• a variação porcentual da receita de II/2014 em relação à de II/2013 seja igual à variação porcentual da receita de II/2013 em relação à de II/2012.

No plano cartesiano, qual dos pontos abaixo é exterior à circunferência de equação

Considerando um horizonte de tempo de 10 anos a partir de hoje, o valor de uma máquina deprecia linearmente com o tempo, isto é, o valor da máquina y em função do tempo x é dado por uma função polinomial do primeiro grau y = ax + b .

Quantos números inteiros satisfazem a inequação

O volume de uma esfera de raio r é dado por. Um reservatório com formato esférico tem um volume de 36π metros cúbicos.

Dada a equação polinomial x⁴ – 3x³ – 8x² + 22x – 24 = 0 e sabendo-se que 1 + i é uma das raízes (i é a unidade imaginária),

Em uma urna há 72 bolas idênticas mas com cores diferentes. Há bolas brancas, vermelhas e pretas. Ao sortearmos uma bola da urna, a probabilidade de ela ser branca é 1/4 e a probabilidade de ela ser vermelha é 1/3.

Dois triângulos são semelhantes. O perímetro do primeiro é 24m e o do segundo é 72m.

Uma televisão é vendida em duas formas de pagamento:
• Em uma única prestação de R$ 2 030,00, um mês após a compra.
• Entrada de R$ 400,00 mais umas prestação de R$ 1 600,00, um mês após a compra.

As prestações de um financiamento imobiliário constituem uma progressão aritmética na ordem em que são pagas.

Sabendo que x pertence ao 2º quadrante e que senx = 0,8,

Considere a seguinte tabela, em que ln(x) representa o logaritmo neperiano de x:

No plano cartesiano, a reta (r) de equação y + kx = 2 é perpendicular à reta (s) que passa pela origem e pelo ponto (−5 1), .

Sejam as matrizes e B =[5 8].

As notas de cem alunos em uma prova foram colocadas em ordem crescente, originando a sequência de notas (n₁, n₂, n₃, … n₁₀₀). Sabe-se que
• n₁ = 0 e n₁₀₀ = 9,6
• podem existir notas iguais;
• n₅₀ ≠ n₅₁

Texto para à questão

Engajamento agora é outro, revela pesquisa

Os jovens brasileiros desconfiam dos políticos e estão cada vez mais desencantados com os partidos. Isso não provoca, no entanto, o seu afastamento automático de atividades politicamente engajadas. Ligado a organizações que se caracterizam pelo uso de redes sociais e pela estrutura pouco hierarquizada, um número significativo de jovens está se mobilizando em torno de um amplo leque de questões políticas e sociais.
Temas que vão da mobilidade urbana à organização de grupos de hip hop e cineclubes na periferia das grandes cidades fazem parte do cotidiano desses moços e moças, de acordo com três grandes pesquisas realizadas recentemente sobre juventude no Brasil. Embora conduzidas por diferentes pesquisadores e com focos diversos, as três apontaram na mesma direção.

Texto para à questão

Engajamento agora é outro, revela pesquisa

Os jovens brasileiros desconfiam dos políticos e estão cada vez mais desencantados com os partidos. Isso não provoca, no entanto, o seu afastamento automático de atividades politicamente engajadas. Ligado a organizações que se caracterizam pelo uso de redes sociais e pela estrutura pouco hierarquizada, um número significativo de jovens está se mobilizando em torno de um amplo leque de questões políticas e sociais.
Temas que vão da mobilidade urbana à organização de grupos de hip hop e cineclubes na periferia das grandes cidades fazem parte do cotidiano desses moços e moças, de acordo com três grandes pesquisas realizadas recentemente sobre juventude no Brasil. Embora conduzidas por diferentes pesquisadores e com focos diversos, as três apontaram na mesma direção.

Texto para à questão

Ocaso

No anfiteatro de montanhas
Os profetas do Aleijadinho
Monumentalizam a paisagem
As cúpulas brancas dos Passos
E os cocares revirados das palmeiras
São degraus da arte de meu país
Onde ninguém mais subiu

Bíblia de pedra sabão
Banhada no ouro das minas

Texto para à questão

Ocaso

No anfiteatro de montanhas
Os profetas do Aleijadinho
Monumentalizam a paisagem
As cúpulas brancas dos Passos
E os cocares revirados das palmeiras
São degraus da arte de meu país
Onde ninguém mais subiu

Bíblia de pedra sabão
Banhada no ouro das minas

Texto para à questão

No mar de dúvidas

Há duas maneiras de aprender qualquer coisa: uma, leve, suave, com informações corretas mas superficiais, que, pela incompletude da lição, não indo aos assuntos a ela correlatos, acaba sendo insuficiente para permitir a fixação da aprendizagem. É um método que pode agradar, e até divertir o leitor menos exigente; mas não lhe garante o sucesso do conhecimento.
A segunda maneira é aquela que procura dar um passo à frente da resposta breve e imediata: estabelece relações entre a dúvida apresentada e outros assuntos afins, de modo que, aprofundando um pouco mais a lição, amplia o conhecimento e garante sua permanência, porque não se contenta em ficar na superfície dos problemas e das dúvidas.
Falamos em superfície, e a palavra nos sugere agora uma comparação entre as duas maneiras de aprender das quais vimos tratando. A primeira ensina a pessoa, no mar de dúvidas, a manter-se à superfície; não afunda, mas não sai do lugar. A segunda, além de permitir à pessoa permanecer à superfície, ensina-lhe a dar braçadas, ir mais além. Assim, pela primeira maneira, a pessoa boia; pela segunda, nadando, avança e chega a seu destino.

Texto para à questão

No mar de dúvidas

Há duas maneiras de aprender qualquer coisa: uma, leve, suave, com informações corretas mas superficiais, que, pela incompletude da lição, não indo aos assuntos a ela correlatos, acaba sendo insuficiente para permitir a fixação da aprendizagem. É um método que pode agradar, e até divertir o leitor menos exigente; mas não lhe garante o sucesso do conhecimento.
A segunda maneira é aquela que procura dar um passo à frente da resposta breve e imediata: estabelece relações entre a dúvida apresentada e outros assuntos afins, de modo que, aprofundando um pouco mais a lição, amplia o conhecimento e garante sua permanência, porque não se contenta em ficar na superfície dos problemas e das dúvidas.
Falamos em superfície, e a palavra nos sugere agora uma comparação entre as duas maneiras de aprender das quais vimos tratando. A primeira ensina a pessoa, no mar de dúvidas, a manter-se à superfície; não afunda, mas não sai do lugar. A segunda, além de permitir à pessoa permanecer à superfície, ensina-lhe a dar braçadas, ir mais além. Assim, pela primeira maneira, a pessoa boia; pela segunda, nadando, avança e chega a seu destino.

No romance Quincas Borba, evidencia-se a manipulação a que Palha submete Rubião, para melhor apropriar-se de seus bens, conforme se verifica ao longo da narrativa. Essa atitude já o indica como o tipo do arrivista, ou seja, alguém que quer vencer na vida (ou subir na escala social) a qualquer custo, mesmo em prejuízo de outrem.

O período da literatura brasileira posterior ao clímax do chamado Modernismo “paulista” – período esse também conhecido como “Modernismo de 1930”, no qual surge, por exemplo, o chamado “romance nordestino”,
I. beneficiou-se da liberdade de pesquisa estética conquistada pelo primeiro Modernismo, a qual incorporou e normalizou;
II. procurou enraizar fortemente suas histórias e personagens em realidades bem determinadas e concretas e,
III. com frequência, introjetou nas obras a radicalização político-ideológica característica do período.

Texto para à questão

Escrevo neste instante com algum prévio pudor por vos estar invadindo com tal narrativa tão exterior e explícita. De onde no entanto até sangue arfante de tão vivo de vida poderá quem sabe escorrer e logo se coagular em cubos de geleia trêmula. Será essa história um dia o meu coágulo? Que sei eu. Se há veracidade nela – e é claro que a história é verdadeira embora inventada –, que cada um a reconheça em si mesmo porque todos nós somos um e quem não tem pobreza de dinheiro tem pobreza de espírito ou saudade por lhe faltar coisa mais preciosa que ouro – existe a quem falte o delicado essencial.

Texto para à questão

Escrevo neste instante com algum prévio pudor por vos estar invadindo com tal narrativa tão exterior e explícita. De onde no entanto até sangue arfante de tão vivo de vida poderá quem sabe escorrer e logo se coagular em cubos de geleia trêmula. Será essa história um dia o meu coágulo? Que sei eu. Se há veracidade nela – e é claro que a história é verdadeira embora inventada –, que cada um a reconheça em si mesmo porque todos nós somos um e quem não tem pobreza de dinheiro tem pobreza de espírito ou saudade por lhe faltar coisa mais preciosa que ouro – existe a quem falte o delicado essencial.

Texto para à questão

Escrevo neste instante com algum prévio pudor por vos estar invadindo com tal narrativa tão exterior e explícita. De onde no entanto até sangue arfante de tão vivo de vida poderá quem sabe escorrer e logo se coagular em cubos de geleia trêmula. Será essa história um dia o meu coágulo? Que sei eu. Se há veracidade nela – e é claro que a história é verdadeira embora inventada –, que cada um a reconheça em si mesmo porque todos nós somos um e quem não tem pobreza de dinheiro tem pobreza de espírito ou saudade por lhe faltar coisa mais preciosa que ouro – existe a quem falte o delicado essencial.

Texto para à questão

Consideração do poema

Não rimarei a palavra sono
com a incorrespondente palavra outono.
Rimarei com a palavra carne
ou qualquer outra, que todas me convêm.
As palavras não nascem amarradas,
elas saltam, se beijam, se dissolvem,
no céu livre por vezes um desenho,
são puras, largas, autênticas, indevassáveis.

Uma pedra no meio do caminho
ou apenas um rastro, não importa.
Estes poetas são meus. De todo o orgulho,
de toda a precisão se incorporam
ao fatal meu lado esquerdo. Furto a Vinicius
sua mais límpida elegia. Bebo em Murilo.
Que Neruda me dê sua gravata
chamejante. Me perco em Apollinaire. Adeus, Maiakovski.
São todos meus irmãos, não são jornais
nem deslizar de lancha entre camélias:
é toda a minha vida que joguei.

Estes poemas são meus. É minha terra
e é ainda mais do que ela. É qualquer homem
ao meio-dia em qualquer praça. É a lanterna
em qualquer estalagem, se ainda as há.
– Há mortos? há mercados? há doenças?
É tudo meu. Ser explosivo, sem fronteiras,
por que falsa mesquinhez me rasgaria?
Que se depositem os beijos na face branca, nas principiantes rugas.

O beijo ainda é um sinal, perdido embora,
da ausência de comércio,
boiando em tempos sujos.
(...)

Texto para à questão

Consideração do poema

Não rimarei a palavra sono
com a incorrespondente palavra outono.
Rimarei com a palavra carne
ou qualquer outra, que todas me convêm.
As palavras não nascem amarradas,
elas saltam, se beijam, se dissolvem,
no céu livre por vezes um desenho,
são puras, largas, autênticas, indevassáveis.

Uma pedra no meio do caminho
ou apenas um rastro, não importa.
Estes poetas são meus. De todo o orgulho,
de toda a precisão se incorporam
ao fatal meu lado esquerdo. Furto a Vinicius
sua mais límpida elegia. Bebo em Murilo.
Que Neruda me dê sua gravata
chamejante. Me perco em Apollinaire. Adeus, Maiakovski.
São todos meus irmãos, não são jornais
nem deslizar de lancha entre camélias:
é toda a minha vida que joguei.

Estes poemas são meus. É minha terra
e é ainda mais do que ela. É qualquer homem
ao meio-dia em qualquer praça. É a lanterna
em qualquer estalagem, se ainda as há.
– Há mortos? há mercados? há doenças?
É tudo meu. Ser explosivo, sem fronteiras,
por que falsa mesquinhez me rasgaria?
Que se depositem os beijos na face branca, nas principiantes rugas.

O beijo ainda é um sinal, perdido embora,
da ausência de comércio,
boiando em tempos sujos.
(...)

Texto para à questão

Consideração do poema

Não rimarei a palavra sono
com a incorrespondente palavra outono.
Rimarei com a palavra carne
ou qualquer outra, que todas me convêm.
As palavras não nascem amarradas,
elas saltam, se beijam, se dissolvem,
no céu livre por vezes um desenho,
são puras, largas, autênticas, indevassáveis.

Uma pedra no meio do caminho
ou apenas um rastro, não importa.
Estes poetas são meus. De todo o orgulho,
de toda a precisão se incorporam
ao fatal meu lado esquerdo. Furto a Vinicius
sua mais límpida elegia. Bebo em Murilo.
Que Neruda me dê sua gravata
chamejante. Me perco em Apollinaire. Adeus, Maiakovski.
São todos meus irmãos, não são jornais
nem deslizar de lancha entre camélias:
é toda a minha vida que joguei.

Estes poemas são meus. É minha terra
e é ainda mais do que ela. É qualquer homem
ao meio-dia em qualquer praça. É a lanterna
em qualquer estalagem, se ainda as há.
– Há mortos? há mercados? há doenças?
É tudo meu. Ser explosivo, sem fronteiras,
por que falsa mesquinhez me rasgaria?
Que se depositem os beijos na face branca, nas principiantes rugas.

O beijo ainda é um sinal, perdido embora,
da ausência de comércio,
boiando em tempos sujos.
(...)

LIBERALS AND ISLAMISTS

By Shadi Hamid

It’s not easy being a liberal in the Arab world; you are doomed to face frustration on election day. In a religiously conservative country like Egypt, it is difficult for liberal parties — which often lack deep local networks and grassroots support — to win in free elections. But even under the increasingly heavyhanded rule of President Mohamed Morsi and his Muslim Brotherhood allies, liberals had a chance to work within the system to counterbalance Morsi. Most liberals opted not to meet that challenge and supported the June 2012 dissolution of Egypt’s democratically elected parliament. And when the military deposed Morsi on July 3, most backed that move too. “It was a painful decision,” said Mohamed ElBaradei, Egypt’s most prominent liberal politician, who has taken the position of acting Vice President in the new militarybacked government. “It was outside the legal framework, but we had no other choice.”

2 The liberal chorus that supported Morsi’s expulsion argues it is sometimes necessary to put democracy on pause in order to save it. That’s an old story. In Algeria, liberals largely stood by — or actively cheered on — as the military aborted the country’s 1992 elections when Islamists were poised to win, provoking a bloody civil war that would rage for years. Algerian democracy remains paused to this day. Yet, many liberals across the Arab world fear, even hate, Islamists more than they are willing to believe in democracy.

3 In the Egyptian context, the word liberal is often used as a general term for people who don’t like Islamists. It is unclear what liberalism really means in a country like Egypt, where many who would selfidentify as liberal engage in army worship or believe Islamist parties should be banned from even contesting elections in the first place. On the other hand, Islamists have a distinctive worldview — and a project for transforming the individual and society in accordance with Islamic law. Liberals and Islamists have become ever more ideologically divided in the Arab Spring countries.

4 Take the situation in which Tunisia’s Ennahda party finds itself, especially since the recent assassinations of two leftist politicans have threatened to block the democratic transition. The Islamist party has avoided many of the mistakes of its Egyptian counterparts. It has governed in coalition with two secular parties, withdrawn references to Islamic law in the draft constitution, and has done very little that could be considered extremist. Yet Tunisia’s liberals routinely accuse Ennahda of being hidden radicals waiting for the right moment to implement an extremist agenda.

5 Many Egyptian liberals have given way to their fears, leading them to embrace a military hungry for control. The new order has quickly proved more repressive than the Morsi government ever was during its one year in power. The Ministry of Interior has announced the reinstatement of departments to monitor political and religious activism. And Egyptians have just seen what happens when protesters defy the military; security forces shot dead at least 140 Morsi supporters on July 8 and July 27. 6 Just after the coup, ElBaradei declared: “[The army] has no interest in taking a forward role in politics.” Such talk now looks absurd.

Adapted from Time, August 12, 2013.

LIBERALS AND ISLAMISTS

By Shadi Hamid

It’s not easy being a liberal in the Arab world; you are doomed to face frustration on election day. In a religiously conservative country like Egypt, it is difficult for liberal parties — which often lack deep local networks and grassroots support — to win in free elections. But even under the increasingly heavyhanded rule of President Mohamed Morsi and his Muslim Brotherhood allies, liberals had a chance to work within the system to counterbalance Morsi. Most liberals opted not to meet that challenge and supported the June 2012 dissolution of Egypt’s democratically elected parliament. And when the military deposed Morsi on July 3, most backed that move too. “It was a painful decision,” said Mohamed ElBaradei, Egypt’s most prominent liberal politician, who has taken the position of acting Vice President in the new militarybacked government. “It was outside the legal framework, but we had no other choice.”

2 The liberal chorus that supported Morsi’s expulsion argues it is sometimes necessary to put democracy on pause in order to save it. That’s an old story. In Algeria, liberals largely stood by — or actively cheered on — as the military aborted the country’s 1992 elections when Islamists were poised to win, provoking a bloody civil war that would rage for years. Algerian democracy remains paused to this day. Yet, many liberals across the Arab world fear, even hate, Islamists more than they are willing to believe in democracy.

3 In the Egyptian context, the word liberal is often used as a general term for people who don’t like Islamists. It is unclear what liberalism really means in a country like Egypt, where many who would selfidentify as liberal engage in army worship or believe Islamist parties should be banned from even contesting elections in the first place. On the other hand, Islamists have a distinctive worldview — and a project for transforming the individual and society in accordance with Islamic law. Liberals and Islamists have become ever more ideologically divided in the Arab Spring countries.

4 Take the situation in which Tunisia’s Ennahda party finds itself, especially since the recent assassinations of two leftist politicans have threatened to block the democratic transition. The Islamist party has avoided many of the mistakes of its Egyptian counterparts. It has governed in coalition with two secular parties, withdrawn references to Islamic law in the draft constitution, and has done very little that could be considered extremist. Yet Tunisia’s liberals routinely accuse Ennahda of being hidden radicals waiting for the right moment to implement an extremist agenda.

5 Many Egyptian liberals have given way to their fears, leading them to embrace a military hungry for control. The new order has quickly proved more repressive than the Morsi government ever was during its one year in power. The Ministry of Interior has announced the reinstatement of departments to monitor political and religious activism. And Egyptians have just seen what happens when protesters defy the military; security forces shot dead at least 140 Morsi supporters on July 8 and July 27. 6 Just after the coup, ElBaradei declared: “[The army] has no interest in taking a forward role in politics.” Such talk now looks absurd.

Adapted from Time, August 12, 2013.

LIBERALS AND ISLAMISTS

By Shadi Hamid

It’s not easy being a liberal in the Arab world; you are doomed to face frustration on election day. In a religiously conservative country like Egypt, it is difficult for liberal parties — which often lack deep local networks and grassroots support — to win in free elections. But even under the increasingly heavyhanded rule of President Mohamed Morsi and his Muslim Brotherhood allies, liberals had a chance to work within the system to counterbalance Morsi. Most liberals opted not to meet that challenge and supported the June 2012 dissolution of Egypt’s democratically elected parliament. And when the military deposed Morsi on July 3, most backed that move too. “It was a painful decision,” said Mohamed ElBaradei, Egypt’s most prominent liberal politician, who has taken the position of acting Vice President in the new militarybacked government. “It was outside the legal framework, but we had no other choice.”

2 The liberal chorus that supported Morsi’s expulsion argues it is sometimes necessary to put democracy on pause in order to save it. That’s an old story. In Algeria, liberals largely stood by — or actively cheered on — as the military aborted the country’s 1992 elections when Islamists were poised to win, provoking a bloody civil war that would rage for years. Algerian democracy remains paused to this day. Yet, many liberals across the Arab world fear, even hate, Islamists more than they are willing to believe in democracy.

3 In the Egyptian context, the word liberal is often used as a general term for people who don’t like Islamists. It is unclear what liberalism really means in a country like Egypt, where many who would selfidentify as liberal engage in army worship or believe Islamist parties should be banned from even contesting elections in the first place. On the other hand, Islamists have a distinctive worldview — and a project for transforming the individual and society in accordance with Islamic law. Liberals and Islamists have become ever more ideologically divided in the Arab Spring countries.

4 Take the situation in which Tunisia’s Ennahda party finds itself, especially since the recent assassinations of two leftist politicans have threatened to block the democratic transition. The Islamist party has avoided many of the mistakes of its Egyptian counterparts. It has governed in coalition with two secular parties, withdrawn references to Islamic law in the draft constitution, and has done very little that could be considered extremist. Yet Tunisia’s liberals routinely accuse Ennahda of being hidden radicals waiting for the right moment to implement an extremist agenda.

5 Many Egyptian liberals have given way to their fears, leading them to embrace a military hungry for control. The new order has quickly proved more repressive than the Morsi government ever was during its one year in power. The Ministry of Interior has announced the reinstatement of departments to monitor political and religious activism. And Egyptians have just seen what happens when protesters defy the military; security forces shot dead at least 140 Morsi supporters on July 8 and July 27. 6 Just after the coup, ElBaradei declared: “[The army] has no interest in taking a forward role in politics.” Such talk now looks absurd.

Adapted from Time, August 12, 2013.

LIBERALS AND ISLAMISTS

By Shadi Hamid

It’s not easy being a liberal in the Arab world; you are doomed to face frustration on election day. In a religiously conservative country like Egypt, it is difficult for liberal parties — which often lack deep local networks and grassroots support — to win in free elections. But even under the increasingly heavyhanded rule of President Mohamed Morsi and his Muslim Brotherhood allies, liberals had a chance to work within the system to counterbalance Morsi. Most liberals opted not to meet that challenge and supported the June 2012 dissolution of Egypt’s democratically elected parliament. And when the military deposed Morsi on July 3, most backed that move too. “It was a painful decision,” said Mohamed ElBaradei, Egypt’s most prominent liberal politician, who has taken the position of acting Vice President in the new militarybacked government. “It was outside the legal framework, but we had no other choice.”

2 The liberal chorus that supported Morsi’s expulsion argues it is sometimes necessary to put democracy on pause in order to save it. That’s an old story. In Algeria, liberals largely stood by — or actively cheered on — as the military aborted the country’s 1992 elections when Islamists were poised to win, provoking a bloody civil war that would rage for years. Algerian democracy remains paused to this day. Yet, many liberals across the Arab world fear, even hate, Islamists more than they are willing to believe in democracy.

3 In the Egyptian context, the word liberal is often used as a general term for people who don’t like Islamists. It is unclear what liberalism really means in a country like Egypt, where many who would selfidentify as liberal engage in army worship or believe Islamist parties should be banned from even contesting elections in the first place. On the other hand, Islamists have a distinctive worldview — and a project for transforming the individual and society in accordance with Islamic law. Liberals and Islamists have become ever more ideologically divided in the Arab Spring countries.

4 Take the situation in which Tunisia’s Ennahda party finds itself, especially since the recent assassinations of two leftist politicans have threatened to block the democratic transition. The Islamist party has avoided many of the mistakes of its Egyptian counterparts. It has governed in coalition with two secular parties, withdrawn references to Islamic law in the draft constitution, and has done very little that could be considered extremist. Yet Tunisia’s liberals routinely accuse Ennahda of being hidden radicals waiting for the right moment to implement an extremist agenda.

5 Many Egyptian liberals have given way to their fears, leading them to embrace a military hungry for control. The new order has quickly proved more repressive than the Morsi government ever was during its one year in power. The Ministry of Interior has announced the reinstatement of departments to monitor political and religious activism. And Egyptians have just seen what happens when protesters defy the military; security forces shot dead at least 140 Morsi supporters on July 8 and July 27. 6 Just after the coup, ElBaradei declared: “[The army] has no interest in taking a forward role in politics.” Such talk now looks absurd.

Adapted from Time, August 12, 2013.

LIBERALS AND ISLAMISTS

By Shadi Hamid

It’s not easy being a liberal in the Arab world; you are doomed to face frustration on election day. In a religiously conservative country like Egypt, it is difficult for liberal parties — which often lack deep local networks and grassroots support — to win in free elections. But even under the increasingly heavyhanded rule of President Mohamed Morsi and his Muslim Brotherhood allies, liberals had a chance to work within the system to counterbalance Morsi. Most liberals opted not to meet that challenge and supported the June 2012 dissolution of Egypt’s democratically elected parliament. And when the military deposed Morsi on July 3, most backed that move too. “It was a painful decision,” said Mohamed ElBaradei, Egypt’s most prominent liberal politician, who has taken the position of acting Vice President in the new militarybacked government. “It was outside the legal framework, but we had no other choice.”

2 The liberal chorus that supported Morsi’s expulsion argues it is sometimes necessary to put democracy on pause in order to save it. That’s an old story. In Algeria, liberals largely stood by — or actively cheered on — as the military aborted the country’s 1992 elections when Islamists were poised to win, provoking a bloody civil war that would rage for years. Algerian democracy remains paused to this day. Yet, many liberals across the Arab world fear, even hate, Islamists more than they are willing to believe in democracy.

3 In the Egyptian context, the word liberal is often used as a general term for people who don’t like Islamists. It is unclear what liberalism really means in a country like Egypt, where many who would selfidentify as liberal engage in army worship or believe Islamist parties should be banned from even contesting elections in the first place. On the other hand, Islamists have a distinctive worldview — and a project for transforming the individual and society in accordance with Islamic law. Liberals and Islamists have become ever more ideologically divided in the Arab Spring countries.

4 Take the situation in which Tunisia’s Ennahda party finds itself, especially since the recent assassinations of two leftist politicans have threatened to block the democratic transition. The Islamist party has avoided many of the mistakes of its Egyptian counterparts. It has governed in coalition with two secular parties, withdrawn references to Islamic law in the draft constitution, and has done very little that could be considered extremist. Yet Tunisia’s liberals routinely accuse Ennahda of being hidden radicals waiting for the right moment to implement an extremist agenda.

5 Many Egyptian liberals have given way to their fears, leading them to embrace a military hungry for control. The new order has quickly proved more repressive than the Morsi government ever was during its one year in power. The Ministry of Interior has announced the reinstatement of departments to monitor political and religious activism. And Egyptians have just seen what happens when protesters defy the military; security forces shot dead at least 140 Morsi supporters on July 8 and July 27. 6 Just after the coup, ElBaradei declared: “[The army] has no interest in taking a forward role in politics.” Such talk now looks absurd.

Adapted from Time, August 12, 2013.

LIBERALS AND ISLAMISTS

By Shadi Hamid

It’s not easy being a liberal in the Arab world; you are doomed to face frustration on election day. In a religiously conservative country like Egypt, it is difficult for liberal parties — which often lack deep local networks and grassroots support — to win in free elections. But even under the increasingly heavyhanded rule of President Mohamed Morsi and his Muslim Brotherhood allies, liberals had a chance to work within the system to counterbalance Morsi. Most liberals opted not to meet that challenge and supported the June 2012 dissolution of Egypt’s democratically elected parliament. And when the military deposed Morsi on July 3, most backed that move too. “It was a painful decision,” said Mohamed ElBaradei, Egypt’s most prominent liberal politician, who has taken the position of acting Vice President in the new militarybacked government. “It was outside the legal framework, but we had no other choice.”

2 The liberal chorus that supported Morsi’s expulsion argues it is sometimes necessary to put democracy on pause in order to save it. That’s an old story. In Algeria, liberals largely stood by — or actively cheered on — as the military aborted the country’s 1992 elections when Islamists were poised to win, provoking a bloody civil war that would rage for years. Algerian democracy remains paused to this day. Yet, many liberals across the Arab world fear, even hate, Islamists more than they are willing to believe in democracy.

3 In the Egyptian context, the word liberal is often used as a general term for people who don’t like Islamists. It is unclear what liberalism really means in a country like Egypt, where many who would selfidentify as liberal engage in army worship or believe Islamist parties should be banned from even contesting elections in the first place. On the other hand, Islamists have a distinctive worldview — and a project for transforming the individual and society in accordance with Islamic law. Liberals and Islamists have become ever more ideologically divided in the Arab Spring countries.

4 Take the situation in which Tunisia’s Ennahda party finds itself, especially since the recent assassinations of two leftist politicans have threatened to block the democratic transition. The Islamist party has avoided many of the mistakes of its Egyptian counterparts. It has governed in coalition with two secular parties, withdrawn references to Islamic law in the draft constitution, and has done very little that could be considered extremist. Yet Tunisia’s liberals routinely accuse Ennahda of being hidden radicals waiting for the right moment to implement an extremist agenda.

5 Many Egyptian liberals have given way to their fears, leading them to embrace a military hungry for control. The new order has quickly proved more repressive than the Morsi government ever was during its one year in power. The Ministry of Interior has announced the reinstatement of departments to monitor political and religious activism. And Egyptians have just seen what happens when protesters defy the military; security forces shot dead at least 140 Morsi supporters on July 8 and July 27. 6 Just after the coup, ElBaradei declared: “[The army] has no interest in taking a forward role in politics.” Such talk now looks absurd.

Adapted from Time, August 12, 2013.

LIBERALS AND ISLAMISTS

By Shadi Hamid

It’s not easy being a liberal in the Arab world; you are doomed to face frustration on election day. In a religiously conservative country like Egypt, it is difficult for liberal parties — which often lack deep local networks and grassroots support — to win in free elections. But even under the increasingly heavyhanded rule of President Mohamed Morsi and his Muslim Brotherhood allies, liberals had a chance to work within the system to counterbalance Morsi. Most liberals opted not to meet that challenge and supported the June 2012 dissolution of Egypt’s democratically elected parliament. And when the military deposed Morsi on July 3, most backed that move too. “It was a painful decision,” said Mohamed ElBaradei, Egypt’s most prominent liberal politician, who has taken the position of acting Vice President in the new militarybacked government. “It was outside the legal framework, but we had no other choice.”

2 The liberal chorus that supported Morsi’s expulsion argues it is sometimes necessary to put democracy on pause in order to save it. That’s an old story. In Algeria, liberals largely stood by — or actively cheered on — as the military aborted the country’s 1992 elections when Islamists were poised to win, provoking a bloody civil war that would rage for years. Algerian democracy remains paused to this day. Yet, many liberals across the Arab world fear, even hate, Islamists more than they are willing to believe in democracy.

3 In the Egyptian context, the word liberal is often used as a general term for people who don’t like Islamists. It is unclear what liberalism really means in a country like Egypt, where many who would selfidentify as liberal engage in army worship or believe Islamist parties should be banned from even contesting elections in the first place. On the other hand, Islamists have a distinctive worldview — and a project for transforming the individual and society in accordance with Islamic law. Liberals and Islamists have become ever more ideologically divided in the Arab Spring countries.

4 Take the situation in which Tunisia’s Ennahda party finds itself, especially since the recent assassinations of two leftist politicans have threatened to block the democratic transition. The Islamist party has avoided many of the mistakes of its Egyptian counterparts. It has governed in coalition with two secular parties, withdrawn references to Islamic law in the draft constitution, and has done very little that could be considered extremist. Yet Tunisia’s liberals routinely accuse Ennahda of being hidden radicals waiting for the right moment to implement an extremist agenda.

5 Many Egyptian liberals have given way to their fears, leading them to embrace a military hungry for control. The new order has quickly proved more repressive than the Morsi government ever was during its one year in power. The Ministry of Interior has announced the reinstatement of departments to monitor political and religious activism. And Egyptians have just seen what happens when protesters defy the military; security forces shot dead at least 140 Morsi supporters on July 8 and July 27. 6 Just after the coup, ElBaradei declared: “[The army] has no interest in taking a forward role in politics.” Such talk now looks absurd.

Adapted from Time, August 12, 2013.

LIBERALS AND ISLAMISTS

By Shadi Hamid

It’s not easy being a liberal in the Arab world; you are doomed to face frustration on election day. In a religiously conservative country like Egypt, it is difficult for liberal parties — which often lack deep local networks and grassroots support — to win in free elections. But even under the increasingly heavyhanded rule of President Mohamed Morsi and his Muslim Brotherhood allies, liberals had a chance to work within the system to counterbalance Morsi. Most liberals opted not to meet that challenge and supported the June 2012 dissolution of Egypt’s democratically elected parliament. And when the military deposed Morsi on July 3, most backed that move too. “It was a painful decision,” said Mohamed ElBaradei, Egypt’s most prominent liberal politician, who has taken the position of acting Vice President in the new militarybacked government. “It was outside the legal framework, but we had no other choice.”

2 The liberal chorus that supported Morsi’s expulsion argues it is sometimes necessary to put democracy on pause in order to save it. That’s an old story. In Algeria, liberals largely stood by — or actively cheered on — as the military aborted the country’s 1992 elections when Islamists were poised to win, provoking a bloody civil war that would rage for years. Algerian democracy remains paused to this day. Yet, many liberals across the Arab world fear, even hate, Islamists more than they are willing to believe in democracy.

3 In the Egyptian context, the word liberal is often used as a general term for people who don’t like Islamists. It is unclear what liberalism really means in a country like Egypt, where many who would selfidentify as liberal engage in army worship or believe Islamist parties should be banned from even contesting elections in the first place. On the other hand, Islamists have a distinctive worldview — and a project for transforming the individual and society in accordance with Islamic law. Liberals and Islamists have become ever more ideologically divided in the Arab Spring countries.

4 Take the situation in which Tunisia’s Ennahda party finds itself, especially since the recent assassinations of two leftist politicans have threatened to block the democratic transition. The Islamist party has avoided many of the mistakes of its Egyptian counterparts. It has governed in coalition with two secular parties, withdrawn references to Islamic law in the draft constitution, and has done very little that could be considered extremist. Yet Tunisia’s liberals routinely accuse Ennahda of being hidden radicals waiting for the right moment to implement an extremist agenda.

5 Many Egyptian liberals have given way to their fears, leading them to embrace a military hungry for control. The new order has quickly proved more repressive than the Morsi government ever was during its one year in power. The Ministry of Interior has announced the reinstatement of departments to monitor political and religious activism. And Egyptians have just seen what happens when protesters defy the military; security forces shot dead at least 140 Morsi supporters on July 8 and July 27. 6 Just after the coup, ElBaradei declared: “[The army] has no interest in taking a forward role in politics.” Such talk now looks absurd.

Adapted from Time, August 12, 2013.

AIRLINE COMPENSATION

By Susan Stellin

1 The day I was supposed to fly from London to Newark this spring, British Airways sent an e-mail saying the flight had been canceled. When I called to rebook, the British Airways agent offered a flight two hours earlier, which meant my boyfriend and I had to drop everything and race to Heathrow. The payoff came a month later, when the airline sent a check for $787 (300 euros each), compensation for our inconvenience.
2 Travelers on flights that are canceled or delayed must often accept whatever rebooking an airline offers, even if it means getting stranded at an airport for days. In the United States airlines aren’t required to compensate passengers on delayed or canceled flights, but it’s a different story in Europe. The payment that my boyfriend and I received was required by the European Union’s passenger rights law, EC 261, which obligates airlines to pay for a hotel room and meals if travelers are stranded because of a cancellation or delay.
3 If the problem is the airline’s fault — for instance, our cancellation was due to a malfunctioning plane — the carrier is supposed to compensate passengers up to 600 euros, based on the length of the flight and how long you’re delayed. I was surprised that we qualified since we actually got an earlier flight, but the law covers situations when passengers have little advance notice and have to change their plans.
4 EC 261 applies to any airline departing from the European Union — including American carriers — and European airlines flying to or from Europe. It was adopted in 2005; since then, similar rules have been extended to passengers traveling within Europe by rail, ship or bus.
5 In theory, the law gives travelers greater protection in Europe than in the United States. In practice, airlines on both sides of the Atlantic have resisted paying some of these benefits, and many passengers do not even know these rights exist. The e-mails British Airways sent me didn’t mention compensation, and neither did the agent I spoke with. I knew about the law so I found the information on the airline’s Internet site. But the claims process was easy, and British Airways paid quickly.
6 “You’re lucky you got your money,” said Dale Kidd, a spokesman for the European Commission. “Generally, it depends on the airline, but some are better than others at paying claims.” So which airlines are the worst offenders? “I’d prefer not to do naming and shaming,” Mr. Kidd said. “It depends a lot on the persistence of the victim making the claim.”
7 One reason airlines have resisted this regulation is disagreement over who should be responsible for stranded travelers when major disruptions occur — like the volcanic ash cloud that caused more than 100,000 flight cancellations in Europe in 2010. “The ash cloud went on for eight or nine days, so it’s probably unreasonable to expect a carrier to put you up at the Hilton for that length of time,” Mr. Kidd conceded. Indeed, the airline industry says carriers lost nearly $2 billion because of the cloud, including expenses for hotel bills, although some airlines refused to pay these claims.

Adapted from The International Herald Tribune, August 31 – September 1, 2013.

AIRLINE COMPENSATION

By Susan Stellin

1 The day I was supposed to fly from London to Newark this spring, British Airways sent an e-mail saying the flight had been canceled. When I called to rebook, the British Airways agent offered a flight two hours earlier, which meant my boyfriend and I had to drop everything and race to Heathrow. The payoff came a month later, when the airline sent a check for $787 (300 euros each), compensation for our inconvenience.
2 Travelers on flights that are canceled or delayed must often accept whatever rebooking an airline offers, even if it means getting stranded at an airport for days. In the United States airlines aren’t required to compensate passengers on delayed or canceled flights, but it’s a different story in Europe. The payment that my boyfriend and I received was required by the European Union’s passenger rights law, EC 261, which obligates airlines to pay for a hotel room and meals if travelers are stranded because of a cancellation or delay.
3 If the problem is the airline’s fault — for instance, our cancellation was due to a malfunctioning plane — the carrier is supposed to compensate passengers up to 600 euros, based on the length of the flight and how long you’re delayed. I was surprised that we qualified since we actually got an earlier flight, but the law covers situations when passengers have little advance notice and have to change their plans.
4 EC 261 applies to any airline departing from the European Union — including American carriers — and European airlines flying to or from Europe. It was adopted in 2005; since then, similar rules have been extended to passengers traveling within Europe by rail, ship or bus.
5 In theory, the law gives travelers greater protection in Europe than in the United States. In practice, airlines on both sides of the Atlantic have resisted paying some of these benefits, and many passengers do not even know these rights exist. The e-mails British Airways sent me didn’t mention compensation, and neither did the agent I spoke with. I knew about the law so I found the information on the airline’s Internet site. But the claims process was easy, and British Airways paid quickly.
6 “You’re lucky you got your money,” said Dale Kidd, a spokesman for the European Commission. “Generally, it depends on the airline, but some are better than others at paying claims.” So which airlines are the worst offenders? “I’d prefer not to do naming and shaming,” Mr. Kidd said. “It depends a lot on the persistence of the victim making the claim.”
7 One reason airlines have resisted this regulation is disagreement over who should be responsible for stranded travelers when major disruptions occur — like the volcanic ash cloud that caused more than 100,000 flight cancellations in Europe in 2010. “The ash cloud went on for eight or nine days, so it’s probably unreasonable to expect a carrier to put you up at the Hilton for that length of time,” Mr. Kidd conceded. Indeed, the airline industry says carriers lost nearly $2 billion because of the cloud, including expenses for hotel bills, although some airlines refused to pay these claims.

Adapted from The International Herald Tribune, August 31 – September 1, 2013.

AIRLINE COMPENSATION

By Susan Stellin

1 The day I was supposed to fly from London to Newark this spring, British Airways sent an e-mail saying the flight had been canceled. When I called to rebook, the British Airways agent offered a flight two hours earlier, which meant my boyfriend and I had to drop everything and race to Heathrow. The payoff came a month later, when the airline sent a check for $787 (300 euros each), compensation for our inconvenience.
2 Travelers on flights that are canceled or delayed must often accept whatever rebooking an airline offers, even if it means getting stranded at an airport for days. In the United States airlines aren’t required to compensate passengers on delayed or canceled flights, but it’s a different story in Europe. The payment that my boyfriend and I received was required by the European Union’s passenger rights law, EC 261, which obligates airlines to pay for a hotel room and meals if travelers are stranded because of a cancellation or delay.
3 If the problem is the airline’s fault — for instance, our cancellation was due to a malfunctioning plane — the carrier is supposed to compensate passengers up to 600 euros, based on the length of the flight and how long you’re delayed. I was surprised that we qualified since we actually got an earlier flight, but the law covers situations when passengers have little advance notice and have to change their plans.
4 EC 261 applies to any airline departing from the European Union — including American carriers — and European airlines flying to or from Europe. It was adopted in 2005; since then, similar rules have been extended to passengers traveling within Europe by rail, ship or bus.
5 In theory, the law gives travelers greater protection in Europe than in the United States. In practice, airlines on both sides of the Atlantic have resisted paying some of these benefits, and many passengers do not even know these rights exist. The e-mails British Airways sent me didn’t mention compensation, and neither did the agent I spoke with. I knew about the law so I found the information on the airline’s Internet site. But the claims process was easy, and British Airways paid quickly.
6 “You’re lucky you got your money,” said Dale Kidd, a spokesman for the European Commission. “Generally, it depends on the airline, but some are better than others at paying claims.” So which airlines are the worst offenders? “I’d prefer not to do naming and shaming,” Mr. Kidd said. “It depends a lot on the persistence of the victim making the claim.”
7 One reason airlines have resisted this regulation is disagreement over who should be responsible for stranded travelers when major disruptions occur — like the volcanic ash cloud that caused more than 100,000 flight cancellations in Europe in 2010. “The ash cloud went on for eight or nine days, so it’s probably unreasonable to expect a carrier to put you up at the Hilton for that length of time,” Mr. Kidd conceded. Indeed, the airline industry says carriers lost nearly $2 billion because of the cloud, including expenses for hotel bills, although some airlines refused to pay these claims.

Adapted from The International Herald Tribune, August 31 – September 1, 2013.

AIRLINE COMPENSATION

By Susan Stellin

1 The day I was supposed to fly from London to Newark this spring, British Airways sent an e-mail saying the flight had been canceled. When I called to rebook, the British Airways agent offered a flight two hours earlier, which meant my boyfriend and I had to drop everything and race to Heathrow. The payoff came a month later, when the airline sent a check for $787 (300 euros each), compensation for our inconvenience.
2 Travelers on flights that are canceled or delayed must often accept whatever rebooking an airline offers, even if it means getting stranded at an airport for days. In the United States airlines aren’t required to compensate passengers on delayed or canceled flights, but it’s a different story in Europe. The payment that my boyfriend and I received was required by the European Union’s passenger rights law, EC 261, which obligates airlines to pay for a hotel room and meals if travelers are stranded because of a cancellation or delay.
3 If the problem is the airline’s fault — for instance, our cancellation was due to a malfunctioning plane — the carrier is supposed to compensate passengers up to 600 euros, based on the length of the flight and how long you’re delayed. I was surprised that we qualified since we actually got an earlier flight, but the law covers situations when passengers have little advance notice and have to change their plans.
4 EC 261 applies to any airline departing from the European Union — including American carriers — and European airlines flying to or from Europe. It was adopted in 2005; since then, similar rules have been extended to passengers traveling within Europe by rail, ship or bus.
5 In theory, the law gives travelers greater protection in Europe than in the United States. In practice, airlines on both sides of the Atlantic have resisted paying some of these benefits, and many passengers do not even know these rights exist. The e-mails British Airways sent me didn’t mention compensation, and neither did the agent I spoke with. I knew about the law so I found the information on the airline’s Internet site. But the claims process was easy, and British Airways paid quickly.
6 “You’re lucky you got your money,” said Dale Kidd, a spokesman for the European Commission. “Generally, it depends on the airline, but some are better than others at paying claims.” So which airlines are the worst offenders? “I’d prefer not to do naming and shaming,” Mr. Kidd said. “It depends a lot on the persistence of the victim making the claim.”
7 One reason airlines have resisted this regulation is disagreement over who should be responsible for stranded travelers when major disruptions occur — like the volcanic ash cloud that caused more than 100,000 flight cancellations in Europe in 2010. “The ash cloud went on for eight or nine days, so it’s probably unreasonable to expect a carrier to put you up at the Hilton for that length of time,” Mr. Kidd conceded. Indeed, the airline industry says carriers lost nearly $2 billion because of the cloud, including expenses for hotel bills, although some airlines refused to pay these claims.

Adapted from The International Herald Tribune, August 31 – September 1, 2013.

AIRLINE COMPENSATION

By Susan Stellin

1 The day I was supposed to fly from London to Newark this spring, British Airways sent an e-mail saying the flight had been canceled. When I called to rebook, the British Airways agent offered a flight two hours earlier, which meant my boyfriend and I had to drop everything and race to Heathrow. The payoff came a month later, when the airline sent a check for $787 (300 euros each), compensation for our inconvenience.
2 Travelers on flights that are canceled or delayed must often accept whatever rebooking an airline offers, even if it means getting stranded at an airport for days. In the United States airlines aren’t required to compensate passengers on delayed or canceled flights, but it’s a different story in Europe. The payment that my boyfriend and I received was required by the European Union’s passenger rights law, EC 261, which obligates airlines to pay for a hotel room and meals if travelers are stranded because of a cancellation or delay.
3 If the problem is the airline’s fault — for instance, our cancellation was due to a malfunctioning plane — the carrier is supposed to compensate passengers up to 600 euros, based on the length of the flight and how long you’re delayed. I was surprised that we qualified since we actually got an earlier flight, but the law covers situations when passengers have little advance notice and have to change their plans.
4 EC 261 applies to any airline departing from the European Union — including American carriers — and European airlines flying to or from Europe. It was adopted in 2005; since then, similar rules have been extended to passengers traveling within Europe by rail, ship or bus.
5 In theory, the law gives travelers greater protection in Europe than in the United States. In practice, airlines on both sides of the Atlantic have resisted paying some of these benefits, and many passengers do not even know these rights exist. The e-mails British Airways sent me didn’t mention compensation, and neither did the agent I spoke with. I knew about the law so I found the information on the airline’s Internet site. But the claims process was easy, and British Airways paid quickly.
6 “You’re lucky you got your money,” said Dale Kidd, a spokesman for the European Commission. “Generally, it depends on the airline, but some are better than others at paying claims.” So which airlines are the worst offenders? “I’d prefer not to do naming and shaming,” Mr. Kidd said. “It depends a lot on the persistence of the victim making the claim.”
7 One reason airlines have resisted this regulation is disagreement over who should be responsible for stranded travelers when major disruptions occur — like the volcanic ash cloud that caused more than 100,000 flight cancellations in Europe in 2010. “The ash cloud went on for eight or nine days, so it’s probably unreasonable to expect a carrier to put you up at the Hilton for that length of time,” Mr. Kidd conceded. Indeed, the airline industry says carriers lost nearly $2 billion because of the cloud, including expenses for hotel bills, although some airlines refused to pay these claims.

Adapted from The International Herald Tribune, August 31 – September 1, 2013.

AIRLINE COMPENSATION

By Susan Stellin

1 The day I was supposed to fly from London to Newark this spring, British Airways sent an e-mail saying the flight had been canceled. When I called to rebook, the British Airways agent offered a flight two hours earlier, which meant my boyfriend and I had to drop everything and race to Heathrow. The payoff came a month later, when the airline sent a check for $787 (300 euros each), compensation for our inconvenience.
2 Travelers on flights that are canceled or delayed must often accept whatever rebooking an airline offers, even if it means getting stranded at an airport for days. In the United States airlines aren’t required to compensate passengers on delayed or canceled flights, but it’s a different story in Europe. The payment that my boyfriend and I received was required by the European Union’s passenger rights law, EC 261, which obligates airlines to pay for a hotel room and meals if travelers are stranded because of a cancellation or delay.
3 If the problem is the airline’s fault — for instance, our cancellation was due to a malfunctioning plane — the carrier is supposed to compensate passengers up to 600 euros, based on the length of the flight and how long you’re delayed. I was surprised that we qualified since we actually got an earlier flight, but the law covers situations when passengers have little advance notice and have to change their plans.
4 EC 261 applies to any airline departing from the European Union — including American carriers — and European airlines flying to or from Europe. It was adopted in 2005; since then, similar rules have been extended to passengers traveling within Europe by rail, ship or bus.
5 In theory, the law gives travelers greater protection in Europe than in the United States. In practice, airlines on both sides of the Atlantic have resisted paying some of these benefits, and many passengers do not even know these rights exist. The e-mails British Airways sent me didn’t mention compensation, and neither did the agent I spoke with. I knew about the law so I found the information on the airline’s Internet site. But the claims process was easy, and British Airways paid quickly.
6 “You’re lucky you got your money,” said Dale Kidd, a spokesman for the European Commission. “Generally, it depends on the airline, but some are better than others at paying claims.” So which airlines are the worst offenders? “I’d prefer not to do naming and shaming,” Mr. Kidd said. “It depends a lot on the persistence of the victim making the claim.”
7 One reason airlines have resisted this regulation is disagreement over who should be responsible for stranded travelers when major disruptions occur — like the volcanic ash cloud that caused more than 100,000 flight cancellations in Europe in 2010. “The ash cloud went on for eight or nine days, so it’s probably unreasonable to expect a carrier to put you up at the Hilton for that length of time,” Mr. Kidd conceded. Indeed, the airline industry says carriers lost nearly $2 billion because of the cloud, including expenses for hotel bills, although some airlines refused to pay these claims.

Adapted from The International Herald Tribune, August 31 – September 1, 2013.

O Brasil inaugurou em 2014 o Projeto Sirius, um acelerador de partículas que permitirá o desenvolvimento de pesquisa na área de materiais, física, química e biologia. Seu funcionamento se dará pelo fornecimento de energia a feixes de partículas subatômicas eletricamente carregadas: prótons e elétrons.

(http://www.brasil.gov.br/ciencia-e-tecnologia/2014/02/. Adaptado)

Na tabela, são apresentadas informações das quantidades de algumas partículas subatômicas para os íons X^2– e A²⁺:

Cupins, baratas e formigas estão na lista dos animais que são considerados pragas na maioria das cidades. Além deles, mosquitos e escorpiões também povoam muitos centros urbanos.

Em uma indústria que comercializa gases industriais, um engenheiro elaborou uma lista com os cinco pedidos de compra recebidos num determinado dia de trabalho.

A figura representa a pilha formada entre as placas de Pb e Zn.